Recently a new Index of Multiple Deprivation was published by the Government. This index measures deprivation in several dimensions, including income, health, educational qualifications and crime among others. In the press reports of this, no comparison was made with earlier indices. Although the methodology has changed somewhat, which makes the exercise a little difficult, it’s still interesting to compare the new data with that of 2010.
In 2010 eight of Cornwall’s 328 Lower Super Output Areas
(LSOAs – census areas with around 1,500 residents) were among the 10% most deprived
in England and Cornwall. Here’s a map of their location.
Now, in 2019, 17 of Cornwall and Scilly’s 323 LSOAs are in the 10% most deprived.
Here’s a map of the current situation.
Meanwhile, the numbers at the top show little change. In 2010 three of Cornwall’s LSOAs were in the 20% least deprived. Now there are five. The least deprived is Carlyon Bay near St Austell, followed by LSOAs at Latchbrook near Saltash, one at Helston and two at Truro.
A hundred years ago today the man engine collapsed at Levant mine, Pendeen, near St Just. This was the second worse mine disaster in Cornwall’s history. Thirty-one miners lost their lives and many others were badly injured. The man engine was a device that conveyed miners to and from the surface, allowing them to avoid the former, laborious climb up the ladders at the end of their core (shift). It was invented in 1841 by Michael Loam of Liskeard, although his design owed much to similar contraptions at work in Germany. The first man engine was installed at Tresavean Mine, Lanner and it was then adopted in several of the larger and deeper Cornish mines.
A report in The Times on the disaster explained how
the man engine operated.
‘It consists of a ponderous wooden beam [in fact several
sections of beam bolted together] which extends from the top to the bottom of
the shaft, which is 600 yards deep. At intervals of 12 feet are steps on the
beam, each of which affords foothold for one person, while on the side of the
shaft are stationary platforms at intervals of 12 feet. At every stroke of the
engine the beam is raised and lowered, and the men step on and off the
platforms and are carried up or down by the movement of the beam. It is a
rather slow process, but has been carried on for years without serious accident’
That was not the case on the afternoon of Tuesday, October 20th
however. The Times went on to describe what happened.
‘From 100 to 150 men were on it when the change of shift was taking place. When the connecting rod broke the engine was at the top of its stroke, and the gigantic beam with its load fell 12 feet. Many of the platforms on the side of the shaft were smashed, and the men on them were knocked off and crushed. Some were unhurt and managed to reach the surface. Rescue parties brought out others, but a number of miners at different levels could not be reached …’
The engine rod had only dropped 12 feet but in doing so had taken away much of the timber work on which men were standing. The local paper, the Cornishman, carried an eyewitness account from a young miner, Robert Penaluna, who was riding on the engine at the time of the collapse …
‘When the engine broke it was a tremendous crash for in
dropping she knocked away timber and everything else in her path. The engine
rod on which we were travelling shook violently. The smash gave a terrible shock
to us all … the screams of some of the men were awful, as they gripped the rod
like grim death … I wouldn’t go through an experience like that again for the world.’
Yesterday, I was asked to give a short talk on the history
of Cornwall. How do you sum up 2,000 years of history in 45 minutes? Tricky.
This was my attempt.
A golden age is a period of victory or defeat (or both)
which later becomes mythologised and looked back on with pride. A turning point
is a time when the flow of history seems to change course.
Cornwall’s first golden age was between the departure of the Romans in 410 and the arrival of the English in the 800s. This was when Cornwall had an independent existence. At first it was the centre of a larger kingdom of Dumnonia, with an elite trading post at Tintagel and colonies in Brittany. When the Mediterranean trade dried up it became a decentralised collection of communities bound together by early Christianity rather than by kings and administrators.
Three turning points then occurred over the next half millennium. The Normans arrived in 1070 and gradually extended their overlordship from their early base in the far east at Launceston. Population, trade and towns grew until the shock of the Black Death in 1349. Cornwall recovered rather better than other places. It was during the late 1300s and 1400s that the Cornish language held its own after an earlier retreat, backed by the patronage of Church and Crown. The third turning point arrived with the religious reformation of the 1530s.
This heralded Cornwall’s second golden age, one viewed by some as a romantic period of struggle against the encroaching English state. Risings in 1497 and 1549 both failed, their leaders executed for treason. Yet in 1642 the Cornish avenged themselves. They became the spearhead of the royalist army of the west, thus unfortunately backing the wrong side in the British civil wars. The following century was more subdued, at least politically.
Another turning point followed in the 1730s, when steam technology began to be applied to the long-established business of mining. Deep copper mining drove the precociously early industrialisation of Cornwall, itsthird golden age. This created a distinctive rural-industrial society, where elements of the new and the traditional were stitched together. Population growth and new settlements laid the ground for the enthusiastic reception of John Wesley and the wholesale transfer of allegiance to a vigorous, revivalist Methodism. Meanwhile, Cornish engineers were raising the efficiency of steam engines to hitherto undreamt-of heights in the generation after 1810.
The fifth turning point brought this to a juddering halt in the 1870s when a calamitous fall in the price of copper made its mining uneconomic. Tin mining survived but underwent periodic crises, as in the 1890s or 1920s. Population fell as emigrants fled to the mining frontiers of the New World. The first wave in the 1840s and 1850s had sought a better life on the basis of the demand for their mining expertise. The second wave had little choice but to go as opportunities closed down at home.
A century of de-industrialisation was ended by the final turning point – the counter-urbanisation that set in from the 1960s onwards. This began half a century of mass migration to Cornwall, when it became a preferred site for holidaying and second homes. Demographic change accompanied a social transformation that we are still living through and struggling to cope with.
In 1862 a Parliamentary enquiry into the condition of metal
miners interviewed several miners in Cornwall. Their life histories provide a
fascinating insight into their moves from mine to mine. They indicate that
miners moved frequently.
One of the most extreme examples was an anonymous miner at
St Cleer. Aged 36 in 1862, he had not worked for 16 weeks, complaining of ‘weakness
in the body and pains in the chest’. This man had first gone underground at the
age of 12 but recalled 17 separate spells of employment involving 13 different
mines over the course of 24 years.
He had begun working at Wheal Providence in Lelant,
operating an ‘air machine’ (bellows). After working on the surface for the next
four or five years he went underground again on tutwork contracts at nearby St
Ives Consols. A short spell was spent working in east Cornwall at the booming West
Caradon mine before returning to mines in the Lelant and Breage districts. He
then upped sticks and moved east for a second time, spending time at mines in
St Ive, between Liskeard and Callington, and across the border at East
Crowndale mine in Tavistock. A few weeks back in the west at St Ives Consols
was followed by spells at mines in the Caradon district, including Gonamena,
Caradon Consols and West Caradon before his peripatetic career was cut short by
This example was exceptional in its mobility. Nonetheless, most of the other miners interviewed moved around regularly. It’s likely that such high levels of migration within Cornwall made the decision to move even further – to mines in North America, Australia and South Africa – an easier one.
The other day a correspondent kindly supplied me with an intriguing hypothesis. The surname Tripp emerged in Cornwall very late, by my reckoning no earlier than the first half of the nineteenth century. Some, perhaps most, of those Tripps had changed their name from Tripcony. That name probably had its origin in the place now called Trekenning, in St Columb Major (and incidentally has nothing to do with rabbits). It moved westwards at an early point however, being present on the Lizard by the 1500s.
My correspondent suggested that the name Tripcony may have ‘fallen into disrepute’ after 1855 when a Constantine Tripcony, a shoemaker, was charged, along with Matilda Gay, of the crime of stealing 10 sovereigns from a dead body at St Keverne. The body in question, that of a woman, had been washed ashore from the wreck of the emigrant ship ‘John’, which went aground on the Manacles rocks. She was one of the 75 washed ashore, while another 121 lives were lost at sea. (A full newspaper report of this disaster can be found here.) The two offenders had apparently torn a hole in the pocket of the dead woman and made off with some money. Tripcony and Gay were identified by witnesses. The two were found guilty and sentenced to three months in prison. Tripcony was however spared hard labour because of his advanced age – 62.
This grisly episode could indeed have caused some disgust in the neighbourhood. However, unfortunately for the hypothesis, the nefarious activities of Constantine Tripcony did not cause a mass revulsion by Tripconys on the Lizard at their own surname and the subsequent adoption of the name Tripp. Six years later at the 1861 census there were at least 26 households in the St Keverne district headed by Tripconys, with only four Tripps. It looks as if the preference of some for Tripp rather than Tripcony resulted from a more mundane factor – the general tendency to shorten names, especially in the days before mass literacy.
There’s some potato harvesting going on nearby. A bit different from the 18th century however. Now heavily mechanised, then it would have been labour intensive, the fields full of people rather than a few lumbering tractors and their associated gizmos.
Potato cultivation was widespread in Cornwall by the 1750s. An
observer in the early 1800s wrote that it was the ‘blessing of the poor …
cheap, wholesome and nutritious’. As in Ireland, it helped to feed a rapidly
growing population. Unlike Ireland, in Cornwall the labouring poor also had
resort to salted pilchards. So the effect of the potato blight in 1845,
although helping to trigger the last occasion of widespread food rioting in
1847, was not disastrous.
The 1790s and war with France made grain imports difficult
and resulted in high prices. The period saw an extension of potato production
as a result. This was mainly by small farmers for the market and smallholders in
the mining districts for their own consumption. According to the Cornish historian
Samuel Drew, writing in the early 1820s, farmers in west Cornwall were planting
two crops of potatoes a year. Kidney potatoes were planted in December and taken
up in May. The second crop of potatoes went in at the end of April or beginning
of May and might be harvested as late as December.
The spring crop was the forerunner of the early potato
trade. Farmers in the Penzance district began to grow potatoes with an eye on
upcountry markets. As early as 1808 it was reported that Cornish farmers were
supplying potatoes to Plymouth, Portsmouth and London. That early potato trade
really began to get under way with the introduction of steamers in 1837 when
boats from Hayle and Falmouth began to pick up potatoes from Mounts Bay and
deliver to the London market. After the 1850s of course, the railway took over.
In the last few weeks over to Porthemmet they’ve been getting some excited by Poldark fever. Down the Cornish Arms, the only topic is how to say Poldark. Should the emphasis be placed on the first bit – ‘POLdark? Or perhaps we should stress the second – Pol’DARK.
As the argument rages to and fro over pints of Tribute, it seems virtually everyone who mentions this series at the BBC, and there do seem to be a hell of a lot of them, pronounce it as ‘POLdark. Not a surprise, as this is in line with the normal pronunciation of two-syllable English placenames. Think Newquay, Norwich, Preston or even Plymouth, although perhaps that’s going too far.
And Poldark looks very much like one of those surnames that come from placenames. But Cornish two-syllable placenames like Penzance, Redruth, Liskeard are pronounced in Cornwall with the stress on the second element. Or should be. The reason the stress is there is because the first element (Pen, Red, Lis) is the noun and the second the adjective. which is back to front when compared with English placenames – Newquay, Stratton, Falmouth and the like.
Two-syllable Cornish surnames based on places are pronounced in the same way, with the emphasis on the second syllable. For example Cardew, Polmear, Penrose, Treloar. So a Cornish man or maid might automatically pronounce Poldark as Pol’DARK, like those other names.
But do they? In fact, most people either follow the clever folk up London and give Poldark the English style. Or they hedge their bets and don’t stress either element, ending up treating each syllable democratically – as in the placename London.
Who’s right? Perhaps nobody, because as we know there’s no such place as Poldark. It’s a name Winston Graham made up in the 1940s. However, had there been a real Ross Poldark riding his ‘oss endlessly up and down the cliffs, taking care to ensure the sun was always setting over the sea behind him, you can be sure his name would have been pronounced Pol’DARK. Loveday Tresoddit down the Cornish Arms says it’s all a Baudrillardian simulacrum, a referent with no referents that nevertheless is more real than the real. The rest of us don’t know what the bleddy ‘ell the maid’s on about. Mind you, there’s a braave bit of interest in the book Ceecil Pearce has made on how many times the Beeb will gratuitously steer that Aidan Turner into taking his kit off.
Kit or no kit, hyperreality or fictional escapism, at Porthemmet we’re all looking forward to a televisual feast. Though some do reckon we’re in for some tasty insights into our heritage, others are fearing we’ll all be sick as rats after a few episodes.